Tuesday, December 31, 2019

Copyright Laws Over Creative Works - 2431 Words

Copyright is a federally protected part of intellectual property that automatically regulates creative works of authors. Copyright laws began approximately around the 15th century in Europe. The cause for such regulations stems from infringement of creative works. These works fall into one of three main categories; music, visual works, and literary works. Copyright infringement highlights the need for copyright laws over creative works in music, art and writing, resulting in an ever changing copyright landscape. Title 17 of the United States Code outlines what does not fall into any of these three categories, and therefore cannot be protected under copyright. It is also important to note that not every use of a creative work†¦show more content†¦Upon creation of a creative work, copyright protection is automatically awarded (Moser, 2012, p.5). According to Lau et al., copyright lasts for seventy years after the death of the author(s) and for a corporation, ninety-five years after being published or one hundred twenty years from the creation date depending on which is sooner. Article I, Section 8 of the United States Constitution, or Copyright Clause, and Title 17 of the United States Code also work to protect copyrights at the federal level. As stated by Congress, the Copyright Clause encourages â€Å"the Progress of Science and useful Arts, by securing for limited Times to Authors and Inventors the exclusive Right† (Lau, 2014). As stated in Title 17  § 1-102, works outside of the â€Å"works of authorship† categories are not copyrightable. Public domain is one of these categories, Lau et al. describes it as â€Å"any intellectual property not protected by law and feely available for any member of the public to use† (2014). After a copyright of a work has expired it becomes part of the public domain as well. Sound recordings are another example of an un-copyrightable works â€Å"that result from the fixation of a se ries of musical, spoken, or other sounds, but not including the sounds accompanying a motion picture or other audiovisual work, regardless of the nature of the material objects, such as disks, tapes, or other phonorecords, in which they are embodied† (17,  § 1-101 ). Ideas cannot be copyright protected because

Monday, December 23, 2019

Consider What Exactly Makes a Good Counselor. - 2065 Words

In an essay of 2500 words, consider what exactly makes a good counselor. Counseling is a process where a person tries to assist another person to be able to handle his or her problems. A counselor is not just there to give advice; it is also based on mutual trust and understanding. Counseling is an opportunity for us to help people to mentally adjust to different situations. A good counselor should display sincerity, good listening skills and be able to assist people in gaining a better understanding of themselves and their problems. A good counselor above all should be really interested in the person and their problems. Insincerity is very easy for most people to detect and makes the counseling sessions less effective. A good and sincere†¦show more content†¦Hearing comes naturally, but listening well does not always come naturally. Clients seem to trust those they think have listened and have tried to understand them. We should always watch what our body language is sending out to our client, we should also be very careful of what comes out of our mouths, and the verbal communication, which is exchanged between us, and the client. We can easily give our clients false hopes or damage their self-confidence by one misunderstood word. Another thing, a good counselor should always keep the clients sessions confidential. What ever is said to us shou ld be kept confidential and should not be past on to a third party, there are exceptions depending on age of the person, mental state, and the nature of conversation being held which can warrant us passing on confidential information to a third party. Boundaries should always be set from the beginning so both of us know how far we can go and what’s acceptable and what is unacceptable. ‘Characteristics of a good counselor’ As a counselor we need to gain trust from our clients, a client will not open up and go into any detail or area bothering them if they have no trust in the counselor. All counseling skills acquired will be next to worthless without a degree of trust from the client. To be effective as a counselor we need to earn the trust from the client. As counselors we need to use a mixture of skills to be effective. These skillsShow MoreRelated10 New Year Resolutions for High School Students754 Words   |  4 Pages10 New Year Resolutions for High School Students The New Year is a great time to reflect on the changes we want to or need to make. If you’re a student looking at ways to improve yourself and make the transition to college easier, International College Counselors offers a few more resolutions you might want to add to your list. 1. Stop procrastinating. How often have you underestimated how much time it will take to get something done? Then, how sad are you when you don’t have the time to do yourRead MoreCognitive Behavioral Therapy ( Cbt )778 Words   |  4 PagesCognitive Behavioral Therapy resonates with me because I’m learning to develop counseling skills. As counselors, I will develop awareness of when my client makes negative interpretations or have behavioral patterns which reinforce the distorted thinking. Cognitive therapy helps people to develop alternative ways of thinking and behaving which aims to reduce their psychological distress. The cognitive counselor teaches clients how to identify distorted cognitions through a process of evaluation (Butler Read MoreEssay about Case Study - Counseling Children1026 Words   |  5 PagesI would approach the counseling session from a cognitive-behavior approach. It appears that Isabella is suffering from anxiety and the cognitive behavior a pproach to therapy would be a good match for the student. There are a number of aspects of the therapy that coincide with my belief system. I would expect to maintain a professional relationship with Isabella. While I cannot relate the situation that is currently affecting her, I would exert maximum effort in order to see her situation improveRead MoreThe View Of Human Nature1476 Words   |  6 Pagesto the basic principles of Person-Centered, people are motivated by a drive to become â€Å"fully functioning† (Corey, 2013, p. 472). No matter the event, accomplishment or failure, people want to become fully functioning and live a successful life. Consider these examples, a high school student fails a test, this failure could motivate the student to study more and pass the next test. In addition to failures, achievement also inspire people. If a male drop-out earns an opportunity to get a high payingRead MoreHow Group Leaders must Conduct themselves and their Group1753 Words   |  7 PagesAny group leader needs to fully understand how to conduct themselves during their sessions. Not only do they need to know how to appropriately behave in their groups they need know and understand what is best for the group’s members. Along with that, it is also extremely important to know the necessary steps to form these groups. So many people do not understand all the prep work that goes into forming these groups. Forgetting a step in the process of the beginning stages of forming a group couldRead MoreTeen Suicide1182 Words   |  5 Pagessituation that life throws at you. What exactly is the meaning of the word suicide? Well s uicide is the act or an instance of taking ones own life voluntarily and intentionally especially by a person of years of discretion and of sound mind. Teens end their life so soon for number of reasons, like depression from a bad relationship, family problems, or even from being bullied in school. These types of problems cause frustration are confusing and so difficult that it can make one feel unable to do certainRead MoreWhy Plastic Surgery Has Many Different Views On The Influences Of An Individual1537 Words   |  7 Pagesother people, which portrays the idea of self-image. But researchers believe that surgery doesn’t help to achieve this goal. Self-esteem is a major factor of why many women and men receive surgery. However the second view favors that before a person makes the major decides of having surgery they should have the mental stability to handle the outcome and reasons for having the surgery done. Conversely, the researchers in the third view flavors that cosmetic surgery does provide the self-confidence anRead MoreQuestions On Lesson Construction Template1111 Words   |  5 Pages Lesson Construction Template ELA8_SB_U5_L8 Introduction and Objective Plan, plan and plan some more. That’s basically what a good writer has to do. Along with deciding on a purpose and genre, a writer has to consider who will be reading the piece and how he will present the main idea. When you write an essay or paper, you too must think about these things. Link: https://pixabay.com/static/uploads/photo/2015/07/10/13/59/leave-839225_640.jpg Today s lesson objective is: Students will identifyRead MoreTheory of Supervision1692 Words   |  7 PagesSupervision I. Building a relationship with the supervisee. Supervision models play an important role in navigating the course of learning about and becoming a licensed counselor. In the cognitive model of supervision it is assumed that the supervisee will affect the client through their thoughts about themselves and what lies in their expectations (Campbell, 2000). The supervisor should want to become familiar with the supervisee and get to know who they are and how they process ideas and thoughtsRead MoreMy Role Model Essay1124 Words   |  5 Pagestheir families. You may be wondering about who do I consider as this significant individual. That is a simple answer. Being a huge part of my life, making me improve in diverse ways. Advising me about the principles of life, Eliza, my camp counselor is my role model. Even though I haven’t seen her in 1 year now, I think of her as an example to follow. There are numerous reasons why I admire her so much. Having different qualities that definitely, make her really extraordinary, her attitu de, her love

Saturday, December 14, 2019

Civilization vs. Savagery Free Essays

In the novel, Lord of the Flies, the boys ended up stranded on the island. In order to get out of the predicament they areir in, they havehad to adapt to the situation. They used things around them to maintain civilization, which also had symbolic meanings related to them. We will write a custom essay sample on Civilization vs. Savagery or any similar topic only for you Order Now By analyzing the evolution of symbols such as the conch, fire, and Piggy’s glasses. In the novel, one can map out the boys’ gradual descent into savagery. The conch represents power because it once was able to control the boys with it. The conch symbolizes democracy, structure, and respect. In the beginning, Ralph and Piggy discover the conch shell on the beach, and Ralph uses it to call the other boys on the island. IQ â€Å"By the time Ralph finished blowing the conch the platform was crowded† (Golding 32). The conch gave them order, it was used to summon the other boys and call the group together. It gave them power because it was able to control the boys. When anyone had ideas, they used it to speak their minds. The conch shell becomes a powerful symbol of civilization and order in the novel. Fire is a technology that threatens destruction if it gets out of control. Fire symbolizes the boys’ connection to human civilization. Their signal fire gives them hope to get rescued. â€Å"You got your small fire all right† (Golding 21). By keeping the signal fire going they hope to attract the attention of a passing boat or aircraft who could possibly rescue them. The fire at the end of the novel, is the direct result of the conflict between Ralph and Jack’s tribe, which ultimately results in the destruction of the island. They got rescued because of the fire so it plays an important role throughout the novel but their friends got killed due to the fire too which shows the destructive and savage side of fire. Piggy’s glasses represent the creativeness in society. The symbolism of his glasses is clear from the start when the boys use them to focus the sunlight and start a fire. â€Å"His specs, use them as burning glasses!† (Golding 55). Piggy is probably the most intelligent in the group. His rational thinking and ability to see solutions to the boys problems, helps them accomplish their situations. The glasses represent the boys only means of obtaining fire to help. Once the glasses are stolen, and Piggy cannot see, he is unable to help Ralph maintain civilization. The symbols in the novel, Lord of the Flies, kept them in civilization for a while. The supplies they used, helped them achieve longevity in their environment and supported their up-keeping. The evolution of the symbols, such as the conch, fire, and Piggy’s glasses, maintained their civilization, and introduced their descent into savagery. How to cite Civilization vs. Savagery, Papers

Friday, December 6, 2019

Philippine Music free essay sample

The culminating instrument itself could be traced to either the introduction of gongs to Southeast Asia from China from before the 1 20th century CE, or more likely, to the introduction Of bossed gong chimes from Java in the 15th century. Nevertheless the culminating ensemble is the most advanced form of music from before the late 1 6th century and the legacy of Hesitation in the Philippine archipelago. Harlan and Kinsman The Harlan or Kinsman is a lyrical song made popular in the Philippine Islands, which dates back to the Spanish period. Composed in the Mexican-Spanish tradition, the music is characterized by a minor key at the beginning and shifts to a major key in the second half. Its lyrics depict a romantic theme, usually portraying love, passion, or sadness. In other styles of the Harlan or Kinsman tradition, the music is based on a love story. Almost all traditional Philippine love songs in this genre are portrayed with poetic emotion. In the sass Harlan or Kinsman became a much more mainstream musical style, with many popular performers including Doomed Maturate, and Ruben Toga singing in Harlan or Kinsman style.In this period Incisor Bollard popularized the kinsman by composing lovely and harmonic songs Cirrhosis The Carious (meaning loving or affectionate one), is a Philippine national dance from the Mar (a Clara suite of Philippine folk dances, where the fan, and handkerchief plays an instrument role as it places the couple in romance scenario. The dance is similar to the Garage Adaptation. The Carious is accompanied with Hispanic music, and language. Tinkling The Tinkling is a Philippine dance which involves two individual performers hitting bamboo poles, using them to beat, tap, and slide on the ground, and against each other in co-ordination with one or more dancers who steps over, and in between poles. Randall The Randall is performed on ensembles comprising mandolin instruments of various sizes called bandier composed on the Iberian tradition. Other instruments including guitars, is also performed.MOM (Original Filipino Music) Original Filipino Music, now more commonly termed Original Pinion Music or Original Philippine Music, (frequently abbreviated to MOM) originally referred only to Philippine pop songs, especially those in the ballad form, such as ones popularized in the 1 sass through the present by major commercial Philippine pop music artists like Plait Chorales,Nora Manor, VS. Co. , Ryan Cabbys, Basil Valued, Researchers, Freddie Jugular, Ere Valier Jose Mari Chant and PAP Hiking Society.In the passage of time as wel l as the development of many diverse and alternative musical styles in the Philippines, however, the term MOM now refers to any type of Original Philippine Music created in the Philippines or composed by individuals of Philippine extraction, regardless of location at the time when composed. The years may be in any Philippine languages or dialect. However, certain exceptions do exist, wherein foreign songs by foreign composers created specifically to be performed by Filipino singers are treated as Moms as well.Multiculturalism advocates, and federalists often connect this to the Toga cultural hegemony of the capital city of Manila. Despite the growing clamor for non-Toga, and non-English music, and greater representations of other Philippine languages; the local Philippine music industry, which is located in Manila, is still skeptical in making investments. Some of their major reasons include the language barrier, the still-small market, and the denomination Of regionalism in the Philippine Islands. Up until the 1 sass, popular rock music began writing and producing in English.In the early sass, rock music began to be written using local languages, with bands like the Juan Deal Cruz Band being among the first popular bands to do so. Mixing Toga, and English lyrics were also popularly used within the same song, in songs like Nag Miss universe Eng Bubby OK, by the band Hotdogs which helped innovate the Manila sound. The mixing of the two languages (known as Digitalis), while Orion in casual speech in the Philippines, was seen as a bold move, but the success of Digitalis in popular songs, including Sharon Sunsets first hit, Mr. broke the barrier forevermore.Philippine rock musicians added folk music, and other influences, helping to lead to the 1 978 breakthrough success of Freddie Jugular. Sailors Knack (Child), his debut recording, is the most commercially successful Filipino recording and was popular throughout Asia, and Europe, and has been translated into numerous language by singers worldwide. Asian also broke into the music scene at the same period, and were popular. Folk-rock became the Philippine protest music of the 1 9805, and Sailors Banyan OK (My Country) became popular as an anthem during the 1986 AD S Revolution. At the same time, a counterculture rejected the rise of politically focused lyrics. In Manila, a punk rock scene developed, led by bands like Betrayed, The Jerks, and Urban Bandits. The influence of New Wave was also felt during these years, spearheaded by The Dawn. 1 sass saw the emergence of a superstar pop-rock group, the Researchers, considered by many Philippine nationals as the number one group in the Philippine cording scene.In the wake of their success was the emergence of a string of influential Filipino rock bands such as Yang, Social, Parody in Edgar, and Riverview, each of which mixes the influence of a variety of rock submerges into their style. Today, the Philippine Islands exhibits western style music, producing notable bands such as pupil, Hale, Sponge Cola, Cyclically, Chicks, Bamboo, Silent Sanctuary, Rocketed, Swan, Kamikaze, Couches, Dichotomys, Imago, The Ambassadors, Monster 88, Fascistic,and Urban, and the emergence of its first virtual band, Missoula.Filipino hip-hop is hip hop music performed by musicians of Filipino descent, both in the Philippines, and overseas, especially by Filipino-Americans. This article focuses first on Filipino hip-hop in the Philippines, and secondly on that in the ASSAI. The Philippines is known to have had the first hip-hop music scene in Asia[l] since the early 1 9805, largely due to the countrys historical connections with the United States where hip-hop was originated. Rap music released in the Philippines has appeared in different languages or dialects such as Toga, Cabochon, Cuban, Allocation and English.

Friday, November 29, 2019

Holocaust Denial A Look at Deborah Lipstadt free essay sample

An analysis of the writing of Deborah Lipstadt on aspects of Holocaust denial and its sources. This paper mainly discusses the idea of Holocaust denial and the people who follow this practice and how they support their ideas with the views of Deborah Lipstadt and her rebuttal. From the paper: ?Modern Holocaust denial draws inspiration from a variety of sources? (Lipstadt 31). The Holocaust Deniers, or more appropriately called ?revisionist? historians, and historians of the traditional school seem to differ greatly in their methodologies as shown when they use the same piece of evidence in two separate manners to come to two completely different conclusions.

Monday, November 25, 2019

Cómo registrarse para votar en Estados Unidos

Cà ³mo registrarse para votar en Estados Unidos Para votar, 49 de los 50 estados de Estados Unidos exigen estar registrados, pero las leyes que regulan cà ³mo registrarse  son diferentes en cada estado. En este artà ­culo se especifica cules son las opciones en cada uno de ellos. Por sus graves repercusiones conviene empezar subrayando cules son las consecuencias de votar cuando no se tiene derecho. Castigo por votar en elecciones en Estados Unidos cuando no se tiene este derecho Solo los ciudadanos estadounidenses mayores de 18 aà ±os no incapacitados legalmente pueden votar en Estados Unidos. Si un extranjero vota est cometiendo una violacià ³n migratoria grave que puede ser castigada con la deportacià ³n, incluso en los casos en los que el votante fuera un residente permanente legal. El derecho de los ciudadanos a votar puede estar suspendido temporalmente. Por ejemplo, cuando estn en prisià ³n. Las reglas de cada estado establecen cà ³mo y cundo se recupera ese derecho, asà ­ como si afecta o no a las personas condenadas pero en libertad condicional  o que han recibido un parole. Votar cuando la ley del estado lo prohà ­be puede estar castigado con pena de prisià ³n, por lo que si alguna vez se ha sido condenado por algà ºn delito o falta es altamente recomendable verificar las reglas que aplican en el estado  donde  vive. Es una falta grave brindar informacià ³n falsa en las planillas para registrarse para votar. Los ciudadanos americanos que habitualmente viven en otro paà ­s pueden conservan su derecho a votar en las elecciones estadounidenses. En la mayorà ­a de los estados es posible registrarse en el Departamento de Vehà ­culos Motorizados cuando se tiene que ir a esa agencia en persona a realizar trmites para sacar o renovar la licencia de manejar o registrar un vehà ­culo. Tambià ©n en muchos estados es posible ver en la calle mesas de inscripcià ³n de votantes, por ejemplo, a la salida de los lugares donde tiene lugar las ceremonias de naturalizacià ³n. Son todas legales y es posible registrarse en ese momento. Cà ³mo registrarse para votar en los 10 estados con ms poblacià ³n latina Estas son las reglas en cada uno  de los 10 estados con ms poblacià ³n latina en orden decreciente: California En California la  inscripcià ³n para votar puede hacerse online  o por correo ordinario. En el primer caso es necesario tener a mano el nà ºmero de identificacià ³n (I.D.) o de la licencia de manejar de California y el nà ºmero del seguro social. Para registrase por correo, debe  llenar el  National Mail Voter Registration Form  y enviarlo a la direccià ³n indicada en ese formulario. Para votar en California es necesario registrarse al menos 15 dà ­as antes de celebracià ³n de las elecciones. Texas Solo es posible registrarse para votar en Texas enviando un formulario oficial a la direccià ³n que aparece en el mismo y  que puede obtenerse en cualquiera de las siguientes oficinas:  Voter Register  del condado en el que se vive, oficina del Secretario de Estado, bibliotecas pà ºblicas,  escuelas secundarias  y muchas oficinas de correos. En ese formulario se exige escribir uno de los siguientes tres nà ºmeros: licencia de manejar de Texas, nà ºmero del seguro social o nà ºmero de identificacià ³n personal del  Texas Department of Public Safety. Si no se tiene ninguno de esos tres nà ºmeros, para votar ser necesario mostrar una identificacià ³n.  El formulario oficial debe ser enviado como mà ­nimo 30 dà ­as antes de las elecciones. Texas es, adems, un estado en el que los ciudadanos naturalizados que utilizaron la licencia de manejar como I.D. para registrarse han sido excluidos de los listados de votantes registrados. Ese es uno de los problemas que pueden encontrase los migrantes en Texas. Florida Para votar hay que registrarse al menos 29 dà ­as antes de las elecciones llenando el formulario  DS-DE 39  y envindolo por correo a la oficina supervisora de las elecciones en el condado en el que se reside. El formulario tambià ©n puede presentarse en persona en cualquier biblioteca pà ºblica, oficina de reclutamiento de soldados, oficina electoral o en las de  FLHSMV  (Departamento de Vehà ­culos Motorizados de Florida). Nueva York Este estado permite  registrarse online, pero en este caso es necesario que el distrito para el cual el votante desea registrarse tenga el mismo cà ³digo postal que aparece en la licencia de manejar. Tambià ©n es posible hacerlo por correo, completando  el formulario de inscripcià ³n  (disponible en espaà ±ol) o en persona, utilizando esa misma planilla y presentndose en la oficina electoral del condado  donde  se vive. Illinois Para registrarse en Illinois se pide residencia en ese estado por al menos 30 dà ­as. Para votar, la inscripcià ³n debe hacerse al menos 27 dà ­as antes de las elecciones. Es posible registrarse en persona en la Oficina del Comisionado Electoral del distrito en el que se reside, en las oficinas del Secretario del Condado, municipales o de reclutamiento de soldados. Tambià ©n es posible hacerlo en las escuelas o en las bibliotecas pà ºblicas. Adems, se admite la posibilidad de registrarse por correo, enviando la planilla de la Aplicacià ³n para Registrarse como votante en Illinois conocida como  Form SBE R-19  a la oficina electoral del condado  donde se reside o a la central del estado. Es necesario enviar una copia de dos documentos para probar la identidad y residencia en el estado. Finalmente, tambià ©n es posible  la inscripcià ³n online. Arizona En Arizona es necesario registrase al menos 29 dà ­as antes de las elecciones y ese dà ­a se exige mostrar una I.D. para poder votar. Adems, para registrarse es imprescindible mostrar un documento que acredite la ciudadanà ­a estadounidense como, por ejemplo, el pasaporte de EE.UU., el certificado de naturalizacià ³n o el certificado de nacimiento. La inscripcià ³n puede hacerse en persona en la oficina del  County Register  o por correo, enviando a esa oficina el formulario.  Tambià ©n puede hacerse online, pero solo si el estado tiene previamente en rà ©cord la firma digital del solicitante o por correo ordinario. Nueva Jersey Es necesario residir en ese estado por al menos 30 dà ­as para registrarse para votar y  utilizar un formulario  que debe ser entregado en las oficinas de las agencias estatales o enviado a las oficinas electorales locales. Tambià ©n puede entregarse en los despachos de reclutamiento del ejà ©rcito en ese estado. Colorado El estado de Colorado es uno de los que ms opciones brinda para registrarse al  admitir las modalidades online, por correo ordinario, email, fax, o en persona. En este à ºltimo caso, debe presentarse a las oficinas de reclutamiento militar, asistencia pà ºblica estatal, secretario del condado  donde se reside, Departamento de Vehà ­culos Motorizados o centros de votacià ³n y servicio  al votante.   En todas las instancias, excepto  online, es necesario completar  el formulario  Colorado Voter Registration Form  (Form  100). Nuevo Mà ©xico Es necesario hacerlo al menos 28 dà ­as antes de las elecciones. El trmite se puede efectuar en la oficina del secretario del condado  en persona o por correo, o en el Departamento de Vehà ­culos Motorizados al solicitar la licencia de manejar, renovarla o cambiar algà ºn dato. Georgia En este estado es posible  registrarse online  o por correo. Solo es posible hacerlo en persona en las oficinas del Departamento de Vehà ­culos Motorizados cuando se saca la licencia de manejar por primera vez o se renueva. La tarjeta de registracià ³n se recibe en un plazo de 4 semanas, pero para votar es necesario, adems, mostrar una I.D. con foto, como la licencia de manejar, pasaporte estadounidense, I.D. de empleado del gobierno federal, estatal o local, I.D. militar o de una tribu indà ­gena o una I.D. de votante, emitido por el estado de Georgia a las personas que no tienen ninguna de las identificaciones seà ±aladas. Cà ³mo registrase para votar en el resto de los estados, por orden alfabà ©tico Alabama En Alabama, la inscripcià ³n tiene que realizarse al menos 14 dà ­as antes de las elecciones admitià ©ndose las formas online o por correo ordinario. En este à ºltimo caso, debe llenar el State of Alabama Mail-In Voter Registration Form  (Form NVRA-2)  y enviarlo a la oficina local del Board of Registrars. Tambià ©n es posible registrarse en persona en cualquier oficina local del Board of Registrars, bibliotecas pà ºblicas, agencias de Medicaid y en el Departamento de Recursos Humanos. Adems de registrarse, el dà ­a de la votacià ³n debe presentar una I.D. con foto como, por ejemplo, la  tarjeta de I.D. o licencia de manejar de Alabama, pasaporte de EE.UU., tarjeta tribal, I.D. de votante, tarjeta de empleado o estudiante de una universidad pà ºblica o privada, o tarjeta militar. Alaska Las opciones para registrarse son online, por correo o en persona. En estas dos à ºltimas opciones, debe enviar la planilla  State of Alaska Voter Registration Application  (Form C03)  a la oficina local de la Divisià ³n de Elecciones, con copia de certificado de nacimiento, pasaporte de EE.UU., tarjeta I.D. o licencia de manejar de Alaska. Arkansas Solo es posible registrase en persona en la oficina del secretario del condado o por correo enviando el formulario a la direccià ³n consignada en el mismo. Es necesario indicar el nà ºmero de la licencia de manejar de ese estado o los cuatro à ºltimos nà ºmeros del seguro social. Carolina del Norte Es necesario registrarse al menos 25 dà ­as antes de las elecciones. Es posible hacerlo por fax, email, correo o en persona en las oficinas del Departamento de Vehà ­culos Motorizados (DMV) o de las agencias estatales de empleo, salud mental, salud pà ºblica o incapacidad. En todos los casos es imprescindible completar el  formulario oficial de inscripcià ³n. Carolina del Sur Para votar en Carolina del Sur es necesario registrarse como mà ­nimo 30 dà ­as antes de las elecciones. Es posible hacerlo online, en persona, presentndose en una oficina del Board of Registration del condado  donde se vive o del Departamento de Vehà ­culos Motorizados. Finalmente, tambià ©n se admite la posibilidad de registrarse por correo, llenando el formulario del  South Carolina Voter Registration Mail Application  y envindolo a la oficina local del Board of Registration. Adems, para poder votar, es necesario proporcionar al estado de Carolina del Sur una I.D. con foto para que pueda guardarse  en sus archivos. Si no se tiene una licencia de manejar de ese estado, es necesario obtener una tarjeta de votante, para lo cual es necesario probar con otra documentacià ³n los siguientes puntos: identidad, fecha de nacimiento, ciudadanà ­a estadounidense, residencia en Carolina del Sur y nà ºmero del seguro social. Connecticut Es posible registrarse online  o por correo completando el formulario  State of Connecticut Mail-In Voter Registration y envindolo al ayuntamiento de la localidad  donde se reside. En esos edificios tambià ©n se admite la inscripcià ³n en persona. En el estado de Connecticut es posible registrarse el mismo dà ­a de las elecciones, pero no en los lugares donde se vota, sino que se exige presentarse antes en el  Registrar of Voters  local con una  I.D. y un documento que muestre la direccià ³n  donde  se reside. Dakota del Norte Este estado no tiene inscripcià ³n previa para votar en las elecciones. El dà ­a de los comicios, los ciudadanos deben mostrar una identificacià ³n que pruebe su nombre completo, fecha de nacimiento y residencia mà ­nima de 30 dà ­as en Dakota del Norte. Dakota del Sur Para votar es necesario registrarse al menos 15 dà ­as antes de las elecciones. Es posible hacerlo completando un formulario y envindolo a la oficina local del auditor del condado. Otra opcià ³n es presentarse en una oficina local del auditor del condado, del Departamento de Vehà ­culos Motorizados, oficinas de gestià ³n de los cupones de alimentos o de Recursos Humanos, o agencias de reclutamiento de soldados. Delaware En Delaware es posible registrarse por telà ©fono, en persona en las oficinas estatales de Servicios Sociales y Salud, Departamento de Vehà ­culos Motorizados o Departamento de Trabajo, o por correo, enviando la aplicacià ³n a la direccià ³n que figura en esa planilla. Para registrarse por primera vez hay que enviar o mostrar una I.D. del estado o la licencia de manejar y, si no se tiene, la tarjeta del Seguro Social. Adems, debe mostrar un documento que acredite residencia actual, como cheque que se recibe del gobierno, factura de la electricidad, extracto bancario, etc. Hawaii En Hawaii es posible registrarse online, para lo cual debe tener a mano una ID. del estado o la licencia de manejar y la tarjeta del nà ºmero del Seguro Social. Tambià ©n puede hacerse por correo, llenando la planilla del Voter Registration and Permanent Absentee Form  o en persona en ayuntamientos, oficinas de correo, bibliotecas pà ºblicas, agencias estatales o en los campus del sistema estatal de la Universidad de Hawaii. Idaho En Idaho solo es posible registrarse en persona o por correo llenando la planilla Form ERM-1. Las personas que se registran por primera vez deben  enviar o presentar copia de una I.D. o copia de una factura de servicios pà ºblicos, nà ³mina o extracto bancario en el que aparezca reflejada la direccià ³n del votante. Para registrarse es necesario haber vivido en el distrito  donde se quiere votar por al menos 30 dà ­as.   Indiana Para registrarse hay que probar que se ha residido en el distrito  donde se quiere votar por al menos 30 dà ­as. Es posible hacerlo en persona, por correo o tambià ©n online. El dà ­a de las elecciones  ser necesario mostrar una I.D. estatal o federal en la que el nombre coincida exactamente con el del registro de votantes. Iowa   En Iowa se requiere registrarse al menos 11 dà ­as antes de las elecciones y solo es posible hacerlo en persona o enviando el formulario de inscripcià ³n  por correo a la oficina local del Departamento de Vehà ­culos Motorizados o a la del auditor del condado  donde se reside. Kansas Para votar en Kansas hay que registrarse al menos 21 dà ­as antes de las elecciones. Es posible hacerlo en persona, online, fax, email o correo ordinario. En cualquier caso, se exige prueba de la ciudadanà ­a estadounidense, como puede ser el pasaporte, el certificado de naturalizacià ³n, etc. Kentucky Las personas con residencia en Kentucky por al menos 28 dà ­as pueden registrarse para votar en dicho estado por correo, en persona o utilizando un formulario electrà ³nico.   Louisiana Es posible registrarse en persona, por correo o por internet. En este à ºltimo caso, el formulario pide un cà ³digo Audit. Para encontrarlo, debe buscar en la licencia de manejar o I.D. emitido por ese estado. Maine Es obligatorio completar el formulario de inscripcià ³n  que puede enviarse por correo o presentarse en persona en las oficinas del registro municipal del lugar  donde se vive, en las oficinas del Departamento de Vehà ­culos Motorizados o cualquiera agencia estatal o federal. Maryland Este estado permite registrarse a los ciudadanos con residencia durante al menos 21 dà ­as. Puede  realizarse online, en persona o por correo. En algunos casos, a los votantes por primera vez se les puede solicitar una I.D. que puede ser la licencia de manejar, tarjeta militar o de estudiante, pasaporte de Estados Unidos o una factura de un servicio pà ºblico de los à ºltimos tres meses.   Massachusetts Este estado permite la inscripcià ³n online, en persona o por correo para los ciudadanos con al menos 16 aà ±os cumplidos, sin embargo, solo se puede votar a partir de los 18. Michigan Este estado exige residencia previa por 30 dà ­as para permitir la inscripcià ³n, que puede hacerse en persona o por correo en las oficinas del Secretario del Condado. Adems, el dà ­a de las elecciones debe presentar una I.D. con foto, como la licencia de manejar de ese estado o una tarjeta militar. Si no se tiene, es necesario firmar una declaracià ³n jurada. Minnesota Para registrarse en ese estado es necesario residir en à ©l al menos 20 dà ­as antes de la inscripcià ³n. Puede hacerse online, por correo o en persona en la oficina del secretario del condado. Incluso es posible registrarse el dà ­a de las elecciones en el lugar de votacià ³n. Mississippi Este estado exige residencia por un mà ­nimo de 30 dà ­as antes de registrarse. Es posible hacerlo completando el formulario y envindolo a la oficina del Secretario del Condado  donde se reside. Missouri La forma para registrarse es por correo, enviando el formulario de inscripcià ³n a la oficina del Secretario del Condado  donde se reside. Montana Montana exige una residencia mà ­nima de 30 dà ­as para permitir la inscripcià ³n y, a diferencia de otros estados, no permite hacerlo online. Las opciones son por correo,  enviando un formulario  a la oficina  electoral del condado  donde se reside (cuya direccià ³n est en ese formulario), o presentndose en persona en dicha oficinas. Nebraska Es posible registrarse online, por correo o en persona. En estos dos à ºltimos casos, es necesario llenar un formulario especà ­fico. En el primer caso, se exige tener licencia de manejar o una I.D. de ese estado. Nevada Para registrarse en Nevada se exige ser residente de ese estado por un mà ­nimo de 30 dà ­as y de un mà ­nimo de 10 dà ­as en el distrito donde se va a votar. Es posible registrarse en persona o por correo  en las oficinas del Departamento de Vehà ­culos Motorizados. Tambià ©n se admite hacerlo online en espaà ±ol, pero es necesario tener una licencia de manejar o una I.D. de ese estado. Nuevo Hampshire Para registrarse hay que probar identidad, residencia en el estado, edad y ciudadanà ­a estadounidense. Como lugares para registrase se admiten las oficinas del secretario de la ciudad o el propio lugar de votacià ³n el dà ­a de las elecciones. Ohio Para votar en las elecciones, los residentes de Ohio deben registrarse para votar al menos 30 dà ­as antes de la fecha electoral. Es posible hacerlo online. Tambià ©n es posible hacerlo en cualquier oficina del Departamento de Vehà ­culos Motorizados cuando se tiene una cita para obtener la licencia de manejar, su renovacià ³n o para notificar cambios de nombre o de direccià ³n. Oklahoma Los residentes en Oklahoma deben  completar el formulario oficial  para registrarse para votar al menos 24 dà ­as antes de las elecciones. Se les pide el nà ºmero de la licencia de manejar de ese estado y, si no la tienen, el nà ºmero del Seguro Social. Oregà ³n Los residentes en el estado de Oregà ³n pueden registrarse a partir de los 16 aà ±os, aunque solo se puede votar a partir de los 18. Los nuevos ciudadanos estadounidenses deben gozar de ese estatus por al menos 21 dà ­as antes de registrarse.   Para registrarse existen varias opciones: online en espaà ±ol, para lo que es necesario tener a mano la licencia de manejar o licencia de identificacià ³n de ese estado, en persona en la oficina electoral del condado donde se reside, o por correo, enviando la planilla SEL 500 a la oficina electoral del condado. Tambià ©n puede  registrarse cuando saca la licencia de manejar. Pensilvania Los residentes en  Pensilvania por un mà ­nimo de 30 dà ­as pueden registrarse para votar en cualquier oficina del Departamento de Vehà ­culos o por Internet rellenando el formulario del Departamento de Estado de Pensilvania. Se exige a los nuevos ciudadanos al menos un mes antes de la fecha de la votacià ³n para estar autorizados a votar. Rhode Island Aunque no se puede votar antes de cumplir los 18 aà ±os, es posible registrarse para votar a partir de los 16. Puede hacer online o por correo ordinario enviando el formulario  Rhode Island Voter Registration Form o el  National Voter Registration Form a la oficina del Board of Canvassess del condado donde se reside.   Tambià ©n se admite la inscripcià ³n  en persona entregando cualquiera de esos dos formularios en el Board of Canvassess o en una oficina local del Departamento de Vehà ­culos Motorizados (RI DMV). Finalmente, Rhode Island exige registrarse un mà ­nimo de 30 dà ­as antes de las elecciones para poder votar. Tennessee Para votar en las prà ³ximas elecciones es necesario registrarse al menos 30 dà ­as antes. Puede hacerse enviando el formulario de inscripcià ³n a la oficina local de la comisià ³n electoral del condado donde se reside. La otra opcià ³n es presentarse en una de las siguientes oficinas: oficina del secretario del condado, bibliotecas pà ºblicas, registro civil (Register of Deeds), Departamento de Salud en el rea de gestià ³n del programa WIC, departamentos de veteranos, recursos humanos, salud mental o vehà ­culos motorizados. Utah En Utah es posible inscribirse online hasta 7 dà ­as antes de las elecciones. Tambià ©n es posible enviando el formulario State of Utah Mail-In Voter Registration Form a la oficina del secretario del condado donde se reside. Una tercera opcià ³n es registrarse en persona al menos 30 dà ­as antes de las elecciones en la oficina del secretario del condado, colleges o universidades pà ºblicas, oficinas del Departamento de Vehà ­culos Motorizados.   Vermont En Vermont es posible registrarse online, en persona en el Departamento de Vehà ­culos Motorizados cuando se realizan gestiones para sacar la licencia, renovarla, solicitar una inscripcià ³n  del auto o renovar una que ya se tiene. Tambià ©n es posible presentando el Vermont Application for Addition to the Checklist (VT Voter Registration)  (Form SOS-VR)  en la oficina del secretario de la ciudad o municipalidad, o envindola por correo a la misma direccià ³n. Cualquiera que sea la forma que se elige para registrarse, es necesario presentar o enviar copia de uno de los siguientes tres documentos: licencia de manejar de Vermont, factura de un servicio pà ºblico, extracto bancario o un documento oficial del gobierno. Adems, hay que jurar o prometer lo que se conoce como Juramento del Hombre Libre (Freeman ´s Oath, en inglà ©s). Virginia Para registrarse online es necesario enviar el nà ºmero del seguro social y de la licencia de manejar de ese estado. Tambià ©n es posible hacerlo en persona o por correo completando el formulario  Voter Registration Application  (Form VA-NVRA-1)  a la oficina local de inscripcià ³n  de voto. Finalmente, otra opcià ³n es presentarse en una oficina del Departamento de Vehà ­culos Motorizados. Virginia Occidental Es posible registrarse online, en persona en el Departamento de Vehà ­culos Motorizados, en la oficina del secretario del condado donde se reside o por correo ordinario, enviando un formulario oficial a la oficina del secretario del condado. La inscripcià ³n debe tener lugar al menos 21 dà ­as antes de las elecciones en las que se desea participar. Washington En el estado de Washington es posible registrarse online, en persona en las oficinas del Departamento de Vehà ­culos Motorizados o por correo, enviando el  Washington State Voter Registration Form a la oficina del condado donde se reside. Quienes se registran online o por correo deben hacerlo cuatro semanas antes del dà ­a de las elecciones. Sin embargo, quienes se registran en persona pueden hacerlo hasta siete  dà ­as antes de la celebracià ³n de los comicios. En el estado de Washington solo se vota por correo.   Wisconsin Es posible registrarse online  o por correo, completando el formulario  Application for Voter Registration  (Form EL-131)  y envindolo al secretario municipal al menos 20 dà ­as antes de las elecciones. Tambià ©n es posible registrarse en persona en dicha oficina hasta las 5 p.m. del viernes anterior a las elecciones. En todos los casos es necesario presentar prueba de residencia en el estado y, adems, una I.D. o licencia de manejar de Wisconsin y, si no se tiene, el nà ºmero del Seguro Social. Wyoming Es posible registrarse en persona en la oficina del secretario del condado o por correo llenando el  Wyoming Voter Registration Application and Change Form, firmndolo ante un notario y envindolo a la oficina del secretario del condado donde se vive.   Es todos los casos es necesario probar la identidad, para lo cual se admite cualquiera de los siguientes documentos: licencia de manejar de Wyoming, pasaporte de Estados Unidos o I.D. militar o de una escuela. Finalmente, tambià ©n es posible registrarse el dà ­a de las elecciones en el colegio electoral. A tener en cuenta Una vez que se registra una persona, no necesita volverlo a hacer a menos que cambie de nombre o de direccià ³n. En estos casos, es necesario notificar los cambios. Sin embargo, los ciudadanos condenados por un felonà ­a no pueden votar mientras cumplen sus sentencias. Cada estado establece sus propias reglas sobre cundo pueden volver a votar: cumplimento de condena, de parole, o libertad condicional (probation), de todas ellas o, incluso, ajustar la prohibicià ³n al tipo de crimen cometido. Por sus posibles graves consecuencias se recomienda no votar a las personas que han sido condenadas por una felonà ­a mientras no se verifique si se est autorizado a hacerlo.  ¿Por quà © es importante hacerse ciudadano? En Estados Unidos, ms de ocho millones de residentes permanentes legales califican para solicitar la ciudadanà ­a estadounidense por naturalizacià ³n. Las ventajas son muchas, no solo votar. Por ejemplo, protege frente a la deportacià ³n, amplà ­a los casos de familiares que pueden ser pedidos y agiliza los plazos e, incluso, abre categorà ­as de trabajos que estn vedadas a quienes no son ciudadanos. Puntos Clave: registrarse para votar en EE.UU. Solo los ciudadanos estadounidenses pueden votar en las elecciones federales. Es un delito muy grave votar sin ser ciudadano con consecuencias migratorias serias.Para votar es necesario registrarse. Cada estado establece sus propias normas sobre requisitos, plazos y modos de hacerlo.Aproximadamente 6 millones de estadounidenses no pueden votar por haber sido condenados por una felonà ­a. Cada estado establece sus propias reglas para determinar en quà © momento se puede restaurar ese derecho.Florida es el estado con ms estadounidenses apartados del derecho a votar por haber cometido una felonà ­a: aproximadamente 1,5 millones. Este es un artà ­culo informativo. No es asesorà ­a legal.

Thursday, November 21, 2019

For one destination of your choice, justify and design a new heritage Essay

For one destination of your choice, justify and design a new heritage trail - Essay Example This island encompasses a strong cultural heritage and even there is existence of island identity. Heritage tourism faces a major challenge in the form of preserving resources efficiently which is utilized during building such heritage sites. Sustainable development can be considered as a central component when it comes to developing attractive tourist location. Gozo has its existence from 5000 BC. Farmers founded this island when they were travelling from Sicily. Gozo became one of the most important places in terms of cultural revolution. Ä  gantija temples were developed during Neolithic period. These temples are presently regarded as the oldest free-standing sculptures. Gozo Island spans over 67 square kilometres. This location is famed for its wide array of interesting locations and characteristics. Apart from Ä  gantija temples there is another famous man-made structure at Gozo known as Calypso Cave (Veal, 2002). There are two famous beaches at Gozo which plays a significant role to attract large base of customers. They are Ramla Bay and San Blas. This island’s population is closely knitted to their traditional culture. It comprises of various heritage sites such as archaeological sites, chapels, museums, fortifications, churches, etc. These sites are responsible for adding cultural, natural and historical value to Gozo Islan d. Some of the heritage sites at Gozo are shown in Appendix1. ecoGozo vision is a new agenda which has been framed by the government in order to safeguard heritage and culture of this destination. Efforts are been made to conserve these heritage sites and enhance their accessibility to public. Two heritage trails have been developed at Gozo in recent years. One such trail was built at cliff sides of Munxar and Xlendi, whereas another was formed at Santa Lucija’s countryside (Island of Gozo, 2014). Both these heritage trails expand over 7.5 km. They go along countryside

Wednesday, November 20, 2019

Juvenile Gangs Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Juvenile Gangs - Research Paper Example Being raised in an economically depressed neighborhood can understandably lead youth persons to think that their lives are unimportant and thus want for a sense of identity. The social construction gangs offer provides juveniles with a sense of belonging, a particularly significant need for developing youths. In many neighborhoods, adolescents are actively recruited or are intimidated into becoming gang members and seemingly have little choice. â€Å"A few [teens] are virtually born into gangs as a result of neighborhood traditions and their parents’ earlier and perhaps continuing gang participation or involvement in criminal activity† (Moore, 1978). The gangs offer disenfranchised kids, who are undergoing feelings of isolation, a connection to a family-like atmosphere. Some of these youths are wavering between what they consider as their adopted and native cultures but feel a connection to neither. There are many reasons that youths join and remain loyal to gangs, all of which are complex and possibly incomprehensible to the general public. This discussion will briefly explain why juveniles join gangs then discuss gangs themselves, their motivations, general make-up, characteristics, and trends concerning street gang activity. There are numerous early factors that can lead juveniles to become gang members in addition to what might be the most obvious, living in abusive households. Poverty is another of the more significant factors. According to research conducted by the Children’s Defense Fund, nearly one fifth of all youths live below the poverty line in American cities. â€Å"Poor neighborhoods, especially ‘inner-city war zones’, generally have relatively high crime rates, unsatisfactory schools and unhealthy living conditions. They provide a child with few resources, negatively affect development and increase the chances a child will become violent† (â€Å"Rosado†, 2000, p. 15). Children who are subjected to t wo or more risk factors such as poverty and abuse, have a significantly higher risk factor of participating in criminal behavior and juvenile violence. Inner city ‘battle zones’, which have grown significantly in many of the country’s small to medium-sized towns in addition to the larger urban sections of major cities, are described as those areas in which most youths over 14 years old has attended the funeral of more than one friend, a very distinct definition, one that is difficult for most Americans to fully comprehend. (Garbarino, 1999, p. 40). Because youths living in disadvantaged neighborhoods are often ostracized from mainstream society due to their inability to afford similar material goods or the education that would afford them with the means to leave, many of these juveniles grow up under an umbrella of bitterness, anger and open contempt of the societal rules and government laws of the same society that rejected them. This circumstance makes it easie r for them to rationalize their own deviant behaviors because they are merely doing what they believe necessary so as to give themselves a chance at something beyond their present life condition, a chances they not offered elsewhere. Their perception of rejection by the society at large also instills an attitude of despair and hopelessness among youths who are already suffering from other unfavorable conditions, reinforcing the idea that life will likely always be this painful, empty

Monday, November 18, 2019

The Evolution of Capitalism Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

The Evolution of Capitalism - Essay Example Marx and Engels were very critical of capitalism and the methods proposed by Smith. For them capitalism creates class antagonisms and the only solution is to overthrow capitalism. Carnegie like Marx acknowledges class divisions, but views inequality as inevitable and the solution lies in administration of wealth. The aim of this paper is to explore the evolution of capitalism and its impact on society through the works of Smith, Marx and Carnegie. Adam Smith is considered as the father of free market capitalism with the invisible hand controlling the market. Industrialization led to the factory system which changed work patterns. Laborers now produced commodities for exchange in the market with prices determined by forces of demand and supply instead of producing for own use (Sanders et al. 203). Due to lack of other means of obtaining subsistence food and maintaining their race, they offered their labor to factory owners in exchange of wages thus commodifying labor. Division of labo r became the norm in factories leading to labor productivity since workers could produce more products than if acting alone (204). Some operations are more complex than others requiring different skills and as such wages were paid according to level of complexity. Actors in this system are driven by self-interest. In Adam’s words â€Å"it’s not from the benevolence of the butcher, the brewer, or the baker that we expect our dinner, but from their regard to their own interest† (204). By pursuing self-interest (profit) the capitalists provide essential goods and revenue to the community without intending to do so. Though market mechanisms regulate the market, sometimes the employers combine to sink wages below the natural rate (207). Smith condemns such combinations as they hinder competition and same case applies to government interventions. Free trade is encouraged as a nation cannot be self sufficient; it could be cheaper to import than manufacture locally (207 ). Marx agrees with Smith that division of labor leads to improved productivity thus new wealth acquisition and that competition brings market efficiency (214).However, those who produce wealth do not benefit as capitalists accumulate the surplus value. This to Marx is exploitation of labor and also results into two antagonistic classes; the bourgeoisies (capitalists) and proletariat (working class) (216). The discussion during the early 19th century thus moved from discussing the rise of capitalism and centered on the class struggles produced by capitalism. Free trade and competition advocated by Smith only serve to encourage exploitation of workers by the capitalists. If the market is allowed to operate freely, capitalists employ and dismiss labor as they like and offer low wages since they have a reserve army of workers (217). Furthermore, labor has been replaced by machines. The solution offered by Marx and Engels to end class antagonisms is to overthrow capitalism and replace i t with communism. This entails abolishing private property and move from â€Å"each according to his ability; to each according to his needs† (215). Carnegie agrees with Marx that capitalism produces classes as evidenced in America. New classes of the rich and poor emerged with the gap between them widening as rich accumulate more wealth (220). Since competition is healthy and the government ought not to intervene in the market, his main concern is how this wealth

Saturday, November 16, 2019

Durkheims Study Of Suicide

Durkheims Study Of Suicide Durkheim was a sociologist of French origin born in year 1958 and died on the November of 1917. He instituted various academic disciplines and is considered as the current social science principal architect. He actually maintained dominancy in the field of social sciences until the time of his death. Durkheim also presented several sociological knowledge papers alongside religion. His studies such as the suicide study have actually picked a popular discourse. Most of Durkheims work involved social facts study, term which he developed so as to depict phenomena that is self-existent and which cannot be affected by individuals actions (Lukes, 1985). Durkheim considered social facts to possess sui generis, which is a self-sufficient existence which is greater as well as more objective when compared to the individuals actions which make up the society (Martin Lee, 1994). Contrary to the facts covered under natural sciences, social facts thereby refer to particular phenomena category and they as well exist independently, free from individual manifestations (Durkheim, 1951). Social facts of this kind are actually endowed with coercion power due to their capability to take control of personal behaviors (Martin Lee, 1994). In accordance to Durkheim, these types of phenomena should neither be condensed to psychological nor biological grounds (Martin Lee, 1994). Therefore, the phenomena which is considered as most individualistic, for instance suicide, would end up been classified as a fact which is socially objective. Durkheim further argued that the persons who compose the society do not cause suicide directly (Ritzer, 1992). He ba sed his argument on the fact that suicide being a social fact, its presence in the society is independent in spite of the prevailing desires of the individuals forming the society (Ritzer, 1992). Consequently, the departure of any individual from the society will have no effect on the suicide fact as the society which the individual leaves behind still contains suicide. Sociological tasks entail the discovery of various social facts characteristics which can only be revealed by the means of either experimental or quantitative approach (Hassard, 1995). For the case of the suicide study conducted by Durkheim, he particularly depended on statistics (Bellah, 1973). Durkheim is considered to be amongst the initial structural functionalism founders. In general, Durkheim discarded reductionist arguments (Durkheim, 1951). Instead, he focused on the cultural values and norms, social structures alongside social facts; which he considered as being external to every human being. Durkheims study classified suicide into four categories and provided evidence to one of his theories which states that suicide rate differences are as a resultant of changes in the immaterial social facts (Thompson, 2002). Durkheim is famous due to his social reality macro-level views and its relationship at individual level. Actually, Durkheim managed to make major contribution on the structural functionalism development alongside sociology in general (Durkheim, 1951). Basically, Durkheim explored the various suicide rates amongst different religious groups and specifically between the Catholics alongside the Protestants. He discovered that the suicide rates were lower amongst the Catholics when compared to the Protestants (Stark William, 1996). Durkheim believed that the low rates of suicide among the Catholic were a result of the religions vibrant social control mechanisms (Stark William, 1996). Consequently, he attributed the escalated suicide frequencies among the Protestants to the regions big freedom space. In Durkheims perspective, the catholic society integration level was normal but the Protestants integration levels were low (Stark William, 1996). However, this interpretation was faced by two major problems. First, Durkheim had relied on earlier researchers data, specifically Wagner, A. and Morselli, H (Stark William, 1996) who had basically generalized their individual data. Secondly, succeeding researchers discovered that the suicide r ates differences amongst the Protestants and Catholics tended to be prominent in the German-Speaking European part and thereby may only have been other factors spurious reflection (Pope Danigelis, 1981). In spite of its limitations, Durkheims suicide study has really influenced the control theory proponents (Pope Danigelis, 1981). Durkheim came up with four categories of suicide which included Egoist suicide, Fatalistic suicides, Altruist suicide alongside Anomic suicide (Thompson, 2002). Durkheim considered Egoistic suicides as those that result from the weakening of individual bonds that naturally integrate collectivity (Thompson, 2002). In different words, Egoistic suicides are caused by the social integration breakdown or even decrease. Durkheim associated this suicide type to excessive individuation implying that most victims initially become more detached from the other community members (Thompson, 2002). Generally, the individuals who are insufficiently committed to specific social groups: end up with minimal social support and hence the likelihood of them committing suicide is high (Thompson, 2002). For instance, Durkheim revealed that the unmarried people, specifically males, committed suicide more often than their married counterparts due to their less bondage with the established social norms goals . Apparently, similar problems affected the widows. Among 1Million widows aged 65 years, 628 of them committed suicide while amongst I million men aged 65 years, only 461 did commit suicide (Lukes, 1985). The sample composition was appropriate as the age bracket comprised of married men to the large extend (Almost 90%) (Lukes, 1985). Durkheims analysis however indicated that despite the fact that the widows had a higher likelihood of committing suicide than married persons, their suicide rate was lower when compared to that of single individuals (Ritzer, 1992). Durkheim linked the figures to the family factor as he was of the view that a simpler conclusion would turn out as problematic (Ritzer, 1992). It would be problematic due to the changes in the marriages numbers that occurred during this period as the suicide rates tripled. Significantly, Durkheim was quick to note that the factor was not simply marriage but a marriage that had children (Ritzer, 1992). This is because marriage s with children had lower suicide rates when compared to infertile families (Thompson, 2002). Thus, the main factor was considering family like a basic social unit but not marriage. Additionally, Durkheim further studied the wars and crises roles on suicide rates. He discovered during the course of social crises (for instance, revolutions) alongside wars; the suicide rates dropped remarkably (Bellah, 1973). In overall, he found out a more religious society had lower suicide rates and also the strength of family relationships determined the magnitude of suicide rate (Thompson, 2002). Moreover, the society integration greatly affected the suicide rate. On the other hand, Durkheim classified Altruistic suicides as those which occur in highly integrated societies in which the whole societys needs are more prioritized than individual needs (Thompson, 2002). Altruistic suicides therefore come about on a integration scale which is contrary to that of egoistic suicide (Thompson, 2002). Durkheim stated that the suicide rate in altruistic societies was generally low as personal interests were not viewed as important (Thompson, 2002). Durkheim viewed the armed forces with this perspective and was really surprising to find out that suicide rates occurred at a high rate within the military service (Thompson, 2002). It was startling due to the fact that the military, just like religions as well as cohesive societies should exhibit strong solidarity and moreover the people in the military are usually the most physically fit in the society (Durkheim, 1951).Besides, it was not right to attribute the suicide causes to either the military service h atred or even the failure to get used to military service routines (Durkheim, 1951).This was because it was evident that suicide rates were directly proportional to the military service length (Durkheim, 1951). Additionally, senior officers committed suicide at a higher rate than their juniors (Bellah, 1973). Moreover, the elite units were affected by higher suicide rates than the normal units (Bellah, 1973). Finally, the suicide rate was low in the units which demonstrated weaker military spirit (Bellah, 1973). Therefore, Durkheim stated that the senior military officers had to abandon the personal individuality to cope with the service requirements as it increased their risk of committing suicide (Lukes, 1985). Durkheim classified Anomic suicides as those which arise due to moral deregulation alongside the absence of legitimate aspirations definition through restrictive social ethic, which has the potential of imposing a different individual conscience meaning as well as order (Ritzer, 1992). This is indicative of economic development failure as well as the labor division to result to the organic solidarity of Durkheim (Ritzer, 1992). In this situation, people fail to recognize their appropriate positions in the society. Durkheim explained this moral disorder state as that which the desires of the individuals are limitless, thereby resulting to personal infinite disappointments (Ritzer, 1992). Lastly, Durkheim suggested that Fatalistic suicides mainly occur in the exceedingly oppressive societies which make people to opt for death other than continue living in such societies (Durkheim, 1951). Generally, this is one of the rarest reasons which can push an individual to committing suicide (Durkheim, 1951). However, fatalistic suicides are common features in prisons as individuals choose to die other than going on with the abusive, excessively regulated prison life which denies them the opportunity to fulfill their desires (Durkheim, 1951). The Durkheims suicide types had their basis on the twin social forces imbalance degrees which are the moral regulation alongside the social integration. Durkheim revealed how impacts on the social aggregate aspects such as; war can lead to increased altruism, booms in economy or catastrophe contribute to anomie. Durkheims suicide analysis indicates the way in which social facts on the contrary to biological as well as psychological facts can be stressed upon, and bring about constructive methods of examining individuals actions. Besides, suicide rates are considered as social facts as they express social currents that affect people and the society as whole. Despite the fact that psychology study is also essential in resolving individual motives and the process through which certain circumstances push people to committing suicide; it is equally important to undertake circumstances analysis within the prevailing individuals social currents (Durkheim, 1951). Durkheim as a matter of fact established that the suicide rates in males were higher than in females; the singles had a higher rate of committing suicide than the married; suicide rates were also higher in the infertile couples than the fertile ones; protestants committed more suicide incidences as compared to the Catholics alongside Jews; Soldiers were more vulnerable to suicide than Civilians; there were more suicide incidences in the peaceful times than in war periods; Scandinavian countries exhibited higher suicide rates and lastly the people who had accomplished higher education level were at a higher risk of committing suicide. However, the Durkheim suicide study has received a wide range of criticism from various sources. It has actually been criticized as the perfect example of logical error which is commonly termed as ecological fallacy (Freedman, 2002). Durkheims conclusions on personal behavior on the basis of aggregate statistics have been termed as misleading (Freedman, 2002). This is because the Simpsons (1987) paradox has revealed how erroneous it is to analyze micro events in macro properties terms. Nevertheless, diverging views have arisen on whether Durkheims work should actually be classified as ecological fallacy. Researchers such as Van Poppel (1996) alongside Day (1996) have proposed that suicide rates differences between different religious groups (such as the Catholics alongside the Protestants) could be entirely explained in terms of how the social groups categorized deaths. For example, while the protestants recorded sudden deaths alongside deaths resulting from unspecified causes as sui cides, this was not the case on the Catholics side (Thompson, 2002). Thereby, Durkheim error would be considered as empirical other than logical. Other researchers such as Gibbs, Inkeles, alongside Johnson have alleged that the main intention of Durkheim was to socially analyze suicide on the holistic perspective with the intention of expounding social environments variation within suicide incidences but not specific individuals suicides. In addition, researchers of the recent times like Berk (2006) have also queried the Durkheims work micro-macro linkages. Berk (2006) particularly noted that Durkheim spoke of collective current reflecting the joint inclination going down the social organization channels (Freedman, 2002). However, the current intensity is the determinant factor of the suicides volume thereby bringing about psychological variables like depression which could be viewed as independent or non-social suicide cause (Freedman, 2002). This thereby, ignores Durkheims concept ion of considering these variables as the mostly influenced by the wider social forces and the notion that suicide can not affect such individuals in the absence of these forces (Martin Lee, 1994). Apparently, Durkheim brings out issues that affect people directly. In addition, he tends to possess vibrant structural society view, as well as the mode in which everyone within the society is affected by various social facts and how it is a must for each to comply with them. Durkheim indeed tried to have the situation where the social roles are distinguished from psychological, economical alongside biological roles. This is actually be observed within his social influences view on the rate of suicides, in which he studies several factors and determines their effect on the propensity to commit suicide (Ritzer, 1992).

Wednesday, November 13, 2019

Seven Habits Of Highly Effective People Essay -- Stephen Covey, 7 Habit

THE 7 HABITS OF HIGHLY EFFECTIVE PEOPLE The 7 Habits of Highly Effective People was written by Stephen R. Covey in 1989. This book has been on the National Best Seller list for over 200 weeks. Many people have attended Covey’s seminars on the subject. Many companies have required top executives to read this book including AT & T, Dow Chemical, Ford, Deloitte and Touche, Marriott, Xerox and Ritz Carlton Hotels. This book proposes that there are seven habits that can be learned to improve one’s personal and interpersonal effectiveness. Covey describes a habit as â€Å"the intersection of knowledge, skill and desire.† Knowledge would represent the â€Å"what to do†, skill the â€Å"how to do†, and desire the â€Å"want to do†. In order to create a habit in our lives, we must have all three. Habits 1, 2, and 3 relate to Private Victory with habit 4, 5, and 6 relating to Public Victories and Habit 7 being involved with Renewal. Habit one is to be proactive. This habit says that as human beings we are responsible for our own lives. Our behavior is a function of our decisions, not our conditions. We create our own destiny. The proactive person acts rather than waiting to be acted upon. According to Covey, part of increasing our self-awareness is understanding our Circle of Concern, that is, our range of concern with which we have mental or emotional involvement. A Circle of Influence resides inside the Circle of Concern reflecting those things over which we have control. Habit two is to begin with the end in mind. If we paint a visual image of what we want our life to be then we actually provide a frame of reference within which all our behaviors can be examined. We must understand where we are going. We should develop a personal mission statement. It will provide the basic direction of our lives. This statement will force us to give thought to our values and what we want to accomplish in life. In the third habit, Covey tells us to put first things first. Independence is crucial in this habit. Our personal integrity helps us to â€Å"walk our talk†. The strength of purpose enables us to do even those things we’d rather not, placing our value's first. This habit requires good time management. If the issue is not high priority, we must say â€Å"no† to reserve time for those items that are high priority. Through this habit effective management leads to effec... ... possible. This habit is making an investment in ourselves. This refers to taking care of our bodies. This includes eating right, getting enough sleep and engaging in regular exercise. Our physical well being will help us to be more proactive. The spiritual dimension of our lives must also be renewed. This is achieved through prayer, music, reading, meditation or nature. This touches the center of our beings. Sharpening the saw of the mental dimension comes through continuing education. Proactive people can figure out many ways to educate themselves. The best way to inform and expand your mind is through reading. Another tool used to sharpen the saw is through writing. Writing affects our ability to think, reason and to be understood effectively. One should spend one hour a day for the rest of your life sharpening the saw. This book is truly a work of art. The information is easily understood and is well communicated. Covey gives so many down to earth examples that it is easy to gain knowledge personally and professionally. I highly recommend this book and will definitely take the study course the next time it is offered at Columbia State. Pam Thomason

Monday, November 11, 2019

Osteoporosis and Radio Ad Essay

Radio Ad We know many people worry about the risks of getting arthritis and osteoporosis, as well as injuries from falls as you start climb the latter called age. We are doing this radio ad in promoting a healthier Muscular system well in to your retirement age. Although some chronic disease risk factors such as (family history, age or sex) are not able to be modified and so cannot be incorporated into prevention strategies, these factors can help to identify people or groups at high risk of developing a disease, enabling a targeted approach. The modifiable risks factors are common to all chronic disease which includes diet, weight, exercise, alcohol intake and smoking. It is important to understand that adopting healthy lifestyle behaviors will reduce the risk of all chronic diseases, including arthritis and musculoskeletal conditions. A balanced diet will help to achieve a healthy weight and body. When increasing the intake of calcium also absorption of vitamin D will assist in reducing risks of developing arthritis and osteoporosis. Regular exercise aids in the prevention of musculoskeletal conditions, and it helps to alleviate and reduce joint pain and stiffness and build strong muscle around the joints. People who are obese are at higher risk of arthritis or osteoporosis due to the increased load across the weight bearing joints, and increasing the stress on cartilage and ligaments. People who reduce their smoking and drinking will reduce the risks for low bone mass, low bone strength, and low body weight. Having a healthier life style gives you a fun filled days right into your retirement years.

Saturday, November 9, 2019

KENNYATTA UNIVERSITY Essays (1828 words) - Biology, Biodiversity

KENNYATTA UNIVERSITY Essays (1828 words) - Biology, Biodiversity KENNYATTA UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF EDUCATION UNIT: UNIT NAME: Question 1 Discuss the Causes and Effects of Biodiversity Loss in Kenya Biodiversity is the changeability among living life forms from all sources, including earthbound, marine, and other oceanic biological communities and the environmental buildings of which they are part; this incorporates decent variety inside species, amongst species, and of biological systems (Myers, Mittermeier, Mittermeier, Da Fonseca, Kent, 2000) . Biodiversity incorporates all biological systems oversaw or unmanaged. Now and again biodiversity is attempted to be a significant component of just unmanaged biological communities, for example, wildlands, nature jelly, or national parks. This is wrong. Overseen frameworks are they plantations, ranches, croplands, aquaculture locales, rangelands, or even urban parks and urban environments have their own particular biodiversity. Given that developed frameworks alone now represent over 24% of Earth's earthbound surface, it is important that any choice concerning biodiversity or biological community administrations address the support of biodiversity in these to a great extent anthropogenic frameworks. Biodiversity is neither uniform nor similarly conveyed on Earth. Be that as it may, it is frequently utilized as a measure of the strength of biological communities. It is wealthier in the tropical nations for example, Kenya, as conditions are helpful for additional species to prosper and to shape important biological connections (Isbell et al. 2009) . It is bring down in polar, to a great degree frosty, dry furthermore, hot locales where conditions bolster less biomass furthermore, less living things. Since the rise of people furthermore, human developments, biodiversity has been declining around the globe. This decrease is caused basically by human effects, especially the decimation of plant what's more, creature natural surroundings. What's more, human practices are in charge of the loss of hereditary decent variety inside and among these species. Biodiversity resources and the associated processes support sectors such as energy, food, fibers , drinks, Medicines , industry, fishery and agriculture on which human lives depend are from biodiversity . Biodiversity also ensures air and water purification, pollination, seed dispersal, climate modification, soil stabilization, drought and flood control, recycling of nutrients and habitats. Biodiversity also forms the basis for national and regional tourism. A source of genetic resources, it supports the biotechnology sector. Scientists and environmentalists agree that biodiversity conservation particularly in primary forests is ne cessary to stem further loss of species and to avert econo mic downturns in tropical countries. The cons ervation and sustainable use of biodiversity is important to the survival of both humans and the environment. The green revoluti on, that continues to happen in agriculture thr ough biotechnology, is directly supp orted by biodiversity. Imp rovements in crop cultivars and varieties are made possibl e by harnessing genes from wild species and known varie ties. By re-combining genes for different traits, plant and animal breeders develop new varieties for specific condit ions. Indeed, interbreeding crops strains with different beneficial traits has resulted in more than doub ling crop production around the world in the last 50 y ears (Cardinale et al. 2002) . Maintaining some level of crop diversity is i mportant in wading off emerging diseases and crop pests and is instrumental in adapting to climate change. There fore, biodiversity, the natural reservoir of genetic trai ts in cultivars and traditional landraces is important in improving agricultural crops and animal breeds. Kenya mainly exploits h er biodiversity thro ugh primary industry includ ing food, tourism and ecosystem services. It supports many l ivelihoods and lifestyles as it provides genetic reserv es and sustains ecosystems upon which the said livelihoods and lifestyl es depend. There is still great potential f or further application of local biodiversity through indu strial processes led by further research in bio prospecting. Therefore, in addition to current applications for the use of biodiversity, Kenya has wide latitude to exploit it profitably in future. There is impressive confirmation that contemporary biodiversity decays will prompt consequent decreases in biological system working and environment solidness (Naeem et al. 2009). Biodiversity tests have tried whether biodiversity decays will impact biological community working or strength by controlling some segment of biodiversity, for example, the quantity of species, and measuring different sorts of environment working or security. These examinations have

Wednesday, November 6, 2019

Foreign Language Classes Should Not Be Mandatory in Colleges Essay Example

Foreign Language Classes Should Not Be Mandatory in Colleges Essay Example Foreign Language Classes Should Not Be Mandatory in Colleges Essay Foreign Language Classes Should Not Be Mandatory in Colleges Essay Essay Topic: College How to Learn Foreign Language Effectively? Researchers posit that teaching foreign languages should not be mandatory and scrapping off of the same would help in reducing unnecessary burden of education on student and help college students to focus on the more important aspects of education (Lariscy, Hummer Hayward, 2015). One of the negative effects of learning foreign languages in college is that it causes students to undergo unnecessary suffering as almost negligible numbers of student achieve the required degree of fluency in the second languages. It means that despite the various strategies that colleges put to encourage students to learn second languages, the goals are never reached thereby making such aims futile (Jespersen, 2013). The effect of foreign languages in colleges is almost negligible making it unnecessary to learn such Statistics conducted on 4000, a total of 25.7 percent admitted to have knowledge of foreign language apart from English, 41.5 percent of those admitted to have the ability to speak the langua ge very well, and 7 percent of the sub-sub-sample claim to have learned the knowledge in school (Kulkarni Hu, 2014). In this manner, the results show that show has the least impact in encouraging students to learn foreign languages, and it is therefore a waste of time and effort of students to learn new languages. Such is because of the total number of students taught foreign languages in school, only 0.7 percent achieve the self-assessed fluency meaning that in 100 students taught foreign languages, only one becomes fluent proving it a waste of time and effort. (Ghanem, 2015). One of the negative effects of learning foreign languages in colleges is that it leads to the increase in costs of education but it is not beneficial to the education. Although learning of foreign languages sounds as a noble course, it is not worth the cost as evident in the higher cost of the plan such as the introduction of new curriculums, hiring of new teachers, building of new classrooms (Lariscy, Hummer Hayward, 2015). Such expenses lead to increase in the cost of education which proves to be a burden to parents and guardian without adding much to the children. In this manner, the cost of learning foreign languages dwarfs the benefits proving need to disown such initiatives and focus more on the learning activities that are most beneficial to the students (Jespersen, 2013). The return of learning foreign languages in colleges also proves to be having low return from the same in terms of improvement of knowledge the quality standards of education. : Finally, learning of foreign languages apart from English does not add value to the students. It is apparent that English fluency enables college students to land good jobs, enjoy culture, and meet interesting people but learning other languages does not add value to college students once they get out of the college. Learning foreign languages rarely helps students to get good jobs, meet interesting people or enjoy culture thereby proving it worthless to learn other languages (Kulkarni Hu, 2014). Moreover, the abundance and diversity that Americans enjoy in terms of social, economic and culture manifestations, Americans can easily travel other parts of the globe without having to learn foreign languages. Conclusion Statistics and the studies conducted by researchers prove that it is needless for American citizens to learn foreign languages because the aims of such initiatives are never reached, it leads to increase in the cost of education, wastes learning time of students, and does not add value to students once they get out of college. Such proves the need for the society to disown plans of introducing learning of foreign languages in colleges in America. References Ghanem, C. (2015). Teaching in the foreign language classroom: How being a native or non-native speaker of German influences culture teaching. Language Teaching Research, 19(2), 169-186. Jespersen, O. (2013). How to teach a foreign language (Vol. 2). Routledge. Kulkarni, V. S., Hu, X. (2014). English language proficiency among the foreign born in the United States, 19802007: Duration, age, cohort effects. International Migration Review, 48(3), 762-800. Lariscy, J. T., Hummer, R. A., Hayward, M. D. (2015). Hispanic older adult mortality in the United States: New estimates and an assessment of factors shaping the Hispanic paradox. Demography, 52(1), 1-14.

Monday, November 4, 2019

Punishment and Welfare in the Youth Justice System Essay

Punishment and Welfare in the Youth Justice System - Essay Example Historically, the debate over whether good practice in youth justice should reflect the punishment or welfare model has exercised policy-makers for over a century. From the 1960’s to the 1980’s, policy trends evolved toward the welfare model of punishment in which punishments are excluded, or are to be carefully adapted to the special needs of young people. In the 1980’s added attention was focused on juvenile offenders with policy makers instituting a stricter punishment-orientated juvenile justice system, for example, the Crime and Disorder Act of 1998, which established the Youth Justice Board and reduced the age of prosecution to 10 years.1 Youth justice procedures in the 21st century are mixed, not clearly reflecting either the punishment or welfare model of corrections. The use of the reprimands and warnings system attempts to travel both tracks, being tough on adolescent crime while believing that young offenders can, more than adults, be influenced positi vely with guidance during the warning phase of punishment. It also involves police and parents in the discipline of youths. Both public and governmental opinion suggests the debate of the effectiveness of punishment or welfare has not been resolved. While the retributive nature of the past has paled away and the adult-involved, rehabilitative approach has become predominant in juvenile justice, many call for increased punishment methods intertwined with the system of reprimands and warnings. A majority of parents want corporal punishment to be reintroduced in schools to tackle what they perceive is an increasing problem of classroom disorder.

Saturday, November 2, 2019

Analysis of Market Failures Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Analysis of Market Failures - Assignment Example Therefore, in order to counter this market failure, government intervenes, takes taxes from people and provides them the goods which are not provided by price mechanism, such as street lights, lighthouses, police etc These were some cases, where market forces of price mechanism fail to provide the people with the right quantity of goods and results in market failures. However, a new way adopted by most governments to counter market failures is by adopting a mixed economic system, where there is both price mechanism and government control. Whenever the price mechanism fails to provide a good or service, or over or under provides it, the government comes forward and takes care of the market. For example, to counter the overproduction of demerit goods, it increases the taxes on those goods. Similarly, in order to increase the production of merit goods, it usually provides subsidies on them, so that these goods are provided more in the market. Thus, we can conclude from this essay that even the most efficient system of allocation of resources can sometimes fail to allocate the resources in the most efficient way. This situation is known as a market failure, and if not dealt properly, it will lead the market towards inefficiency and hence there is a need for good government control to counter the problem. Â  

Thursday, October 31, 2019

In major militay conflicts, matters of logistics are often crucial in Essay

In major militay conflicts, matters of logistics are often crucial in deciding the overall outcome of wars. Discuss with refere - Essay Example The joint delivery lines were not widened and pursued the marine docks with the Royal Navy taking over the Mediterranean. The major apprehension was submarines. Airplanes were not as dominant in World War I as they were in World War II â€Å"to sink a capital ship† (Brown, p. 72, 1998). Throughout World War I, unhampered submarine combat had a considerable force on the capability of Britain's partners to keep distribution paths open, at the same time as the huge volume of the German armed forces showed a lot more for its railways to sustain apart from the time when halted in trench conflict. Logistics, intermittently termed as ‘battle service sustenance’ (Brown, p. 76, 1998), should deal with extremely doubtful circumstances. Whereas ideal estimates are hardly ever achievable, estimates models can decrease vagueness regarding what materials or facilities will be considered necessary, at what place and at what time they will be wanted, or the most excellent method to supply them. Eventually, responsible representatives are required to make results on these issues, at times by means of instinct and logically evaluating substitutes as the circumstances call for and authorize (Shrader, p. 28, 1992). Their decisions should be supported not just by expert understanding of the several facets of logistics itself but as well on the perceptive of the interaction of directly linked armed forces concerns, for instance, line of attack, approaches, aptitude, guidance, recruits, and funding. On the other hand, case studies have revealed that quantitative numerical investigations are mostly an important enhancement on individual decision. One such example is the application of â€Å"Applied Information Economics by the Office of Naval Research and the Marine Corps for forecasting bulk fuel requirements for the battlefield† (Shrader, p. 48, 1992). In most important armed forces clashes, logistics issues are mostly decisive in choosing the general effe ct of conflicts. â€Å"For instance, tonnage war - the bulk sinking of cargo ships - was a crucial factor in World War II† (Shrader, p. 65, 1992). The triumphant united anti-submarine movement in addition to the collapse of the German Navy to drop an adequate amount of shipment within the conflict of the Atlantic permitted Britain to remain in the conflict and set up the subsequent front in opposition to the Nazis; by distinction, the unbeaten U.S. submarine movement in opposition to Japanese marine transport through Asian seas successfully crippled its financial system as well as its armed forces creation potential. More commonly, shielding one's personal delivery lines as well as assaulting those of an opponent is a basic armed forces policy; an illustration of this as an entirely logistical movement for the armed forces way of executing strategic course of action was the Berlin Airlift. Armed forces logistics has initiated a number of procedures that have subsequently turn ed out to be extensively positioned within the profitable world (Creveld, p. 102, 1979). Functions study grew further than World War I

Tuesday, October 29, 2019

Junior Officers Essay Example for Free

Junior Officers Essay This result appeared to be the same with the statistical results for the data set of all samples combined. The deviation was the item Human Resource Focus, Item 5, which appeared to be not correlated with Leadership, Item 1. There could be logical reasons why such a result, but we cannot at this stage, extrapolate without first conducting the same test for the Leaders Group. A. 3. The Pearson Correlation Matrix for the Leaders Group For the Leaders Group, Leadership, Item 1, is not correlated at all, ALL from Strategic Planning, Item 2 to Business Results, Item 7 as shown by Table 3. Table 3. Excerpt from the Correlation Matrix for the Leaders Group Leadership, Item 1 Strategic Planning, Item 2 0. 371 0. 413 Customer And Market Focus, Item 3 0. 164 0. 726 Measurement, Analysis, and Knowledge Management, Item 4 0. 753 0. 051 Human Resource Focus, Item 5 0. 715 0. 071 Process Management, Item 6 0. 247 0. 594 Business Results, Item 7 0. 524 0. 227 Cell Contents: Pearson correlation p-Value The results were revealing on two counts. First, it told us that the correlation trend shown by the Combined Data Samples of the Others Group and the Leaders Group was mainly due to the effect of the Others Group given its bigger sample size, 37 respondents compared to the Leaders Group, 7 respondents. This is manifest in that the correlation test for the Others Group showed correlation between Leadership, Item 1, and other items except in Customer and Market Focus, Item 3, which was possibly influenced by the results of the Leaders Group which showed no correlation between Leadership, Item 1, and the other items. Second, the results pointed to the contrast between the two groups being compared. There was a significant difference in perception between the Others Group and the Leaders Group. It should be noted that the Leaders Group, comprising, take note, the Senior Leaders, or specifically, the Senior Officers in the surveyed organization occupied the higher hierarchy and when we mentioned the Others Group, we are referring to leaders still, but leaders occupying the lower hierarchy, the Others Group comprising, take note, the Junior Leaders, or specifically the Junior Officers. It may argued that based on their respective position in the surveyed organization, ESGR there may be strong factors which create opposing views or that their perceptions could be affected by the imperatives, necessities, and the like and the nature of their respective positions being held in the organization. Whereas, for the Others Group, wherein Leadership, Item 1, was correlated with all the other items: Strategic Planning, Item 2; Measurement, Analysis, and Knowledge Management, Item 4; Human Resource Focus, Item 5; Process Management, Item 6; and Business Results, Item 7; however, in the Leaders Group, its Leadership, Item 1, had NO significant correlation established with ALL the other items from Item 2 to Item 7. It could mean that the Others Group, mainly Junior Officers were more concerned with function which required them to be aware of all the aspects and details of the organization. It could be contended that Junior Officers were the implementers of the details of projects and operations hence, with Strategic Planning, Item 2 of the Baldrige Criteria, the Junior Officers were more concerned with examining how organizations develop objectives and action plans and how flexible the organization should be in case of situational changes in circumstance. Junior Officers are expected to be familiar with stock knowledge on the planning step and deployment to achieve objectives at the various stages of implementation. Chances are, they are the ones evaluating data from various reports and they are the ones making the progress reports and updates for the higher echelon officers. In other words it is possible that Junior Officers differed with the Senior Leaders in terms of data/details exposure, requiring the Junior Officers to pay more particular attention to the different aspects of the organization at the field or at the ground level. Other items such as Measurement, Analysis and Knowledge Management, Item 4, could be interpreted as part of the functions of Junior Leadership and Junior Officers were more conscious of the procedures involved in handling voluminous data and information which needed sorting and which may require immediate and appropriate response. In Question 26, under the sub-category, Information and Knowledge Management, for example, in dealing with hardware and software reliability, we can expect that senior leadership not to be doing the actual testing of new software or hardware for that matter. It would thus be more the function of Junior Officers to test such new innovations. Due to the difference in focus and priorities between the Others Group and the Leaders Group as suggested by their diverging trend in the correlation test outcome, further tests had to be conducted to enable deeper probe into why such results occurred. How come?

Sunday, October 27, 2019

An Introduction To Political Cleavage Concepts Politics Essay

An Introduction To Political Cleavage Concepts Politics Essay The concept of a political cleavage is contested in important ways (Daalder 1966, Eckstein 1966, Dogan 1967, Zuckerman 1982, Bartolini Mair 1990, Neto Cox 1997), and whether cleavages exist in post-communist Eastern Europe might depend substantially on how the term is defined. Some authors who find that cleavages are weak or absent in the region use a rigorous definition of the term (Lawson 1999). It is argued here, however, that even when the definitional barrier is raised to a high level, political cleavages are in all likelihood present in the region(Whitefield 2002). Many studies have found a link between pre-communist historical legacies and institutional choice. For example Kitschelt argues that pre-communist experiences had an influence on the communist regime which ultimately has an impact on party cleavages. Indeed, he argues that pre-communist experiences can be distinguished rather easily, but the length of the political liberalisation phase in the 1980s and the significance of having had two or three rounds of free elections since 1990 may be disputable. While I do not believe that isolating these pre communist legacies is necessarily, I do believe that pre-communist legacies must be included in any analysis of post-communist social cleavages. I suggest that history is very important for the cases of Romania and Hungary. Furthermore, if we go back to Dalton, he insists that religious cleavage has followed the same pattern of decline as for the class cleavage. As he sees, one possible exception to the rule of declining social cleavages involves race and ethnicity. Nevertheless, even today, social, religious and ethic identities of citizens still have explanatory power in examination of voting behavior (Nieuwbeerta, 1998; Knutsen Scarbrough, 1995). The question on the relation between a countries social cleavage structure and political outcomes has become of extra relevance in Eastern European nations after the collapse of totalitarian regimes. Since the velvet revolutions in 1989 the political party structure in these nations had to be build almost from scratch, the question rises, according to Nieuwbeerta(1998), whether these new political systems developed in a way similar to how it is organized in Western nations. Therefore, to what extent are party systems in Eastern European nations based on major socio-economic cleavages in these nations? At first it is seems like that most newly founded parties in Eastern Europe represent such cleavages. For example in Romania and Hungary Social-Democratic and Liberal parties were created, as well as religious and nationalist parties. The concept of a political cleavage, however, is not universally regarded as useful by political observers of the post-communist world (White et al. 1997, Elster et al. 1998). Indeed, in a highly influential and controversial account published soon after the collapse of communist power, Fukuyama (1992) interpreted the event as an indicator of the end of ideological division across all modern societies, East European ones included. The collapse of communism could be seen as demonstrating either broad support for liberalism or, if we want to put the argument negatively, the absence of any alternative method of organizing modern society. From this perspective, although transition in the region would certainly have its winners and losers, the end of ideological competition meant that the political cleavages that had divided populations across industrial societies, most famously characterized by Lipset Rokkan (1967), were anachronistic. Differences among politicians and choices among vot ers would in this context be based on who could best do the job of delivering on liberal, market, and democratic policies(Whitefield 2002). But whether cleavages were envisaged or not, scholarly interest in the cleavage structures (or lack thereof) in post-communist states was often strongly grounded in pessimistic assessments of their putative effects on party competition and on the stability of these new democracies (Cirtautas 1994, Comisso 1997, Elster et al. 1998). According to these ideas, there are at least two important questions that should be answered. First, although the general shape of the cleavage structures of post-communism is better understood, the mechanisms for their formation are unclear or disputed. Most explanations of cleavages in more established democracies emphasize the importance of prior social organization in providing sources of interest and political allegiance among the public that allow coordination of voters and parties in structured and relatively stable ways (Sartori 1969, Przeworski 1985). Such prior social organization, however, was largely absent across Eastern Europe. Second, in order to speak with full confidence about the existence of cleavages, it is necessary to see stability and persistence in social and ideological divisions, but naturally these conditions are only weakly established empirically. There are also differing theoretical expectations about the stability of the social and ideological divisions in politics. Considerable volatility is evident in support for particular parties, and political parties themselves have often been short-lived, offering voters little opportunity to reward or punish them. But is this volatility of supply and demand for parties a sign of instability in the cleavage structure? For many countries, there is limited evidence available to test these possibilities because follow-up studies that might allow over-time comparisons have not yet taken place; however, it should be noted that where such evidence is available, it points to more stability than change in the structure of underlying social and ideological di visions, which strengthens claims about the existence of cleavages in the region and especially in Romania and Hungary. 2. The cleavage hypothesis If we want to understand the idea and the formation of cleavages, we should first find appropriate explanation. Party nationalisation might be explained as a consequence of the territorial structure of social or socio-economic divides (Lipset Rokkan, 1967). Caramani (2004, p. 15) addresses the centre-periphery and the urban-rural cleavage as territorial divides, connected to low levels of nationalisation. In contrast, functional cleavages, such as the economic cleavage in Western Europe, do not have a territorial character, so that parties organising along such cleavages are highly nationalised (cf. Caramani, 2004; Cox, 1999, p. 159). The explanation of party system structures by cleavages has been criticised though, because cleavages do not convert into parties as a matter of course, but this is produced by the political system itself (Zielinski, 2002, p. 187). Looking at Central and Eastern Europe, only a few scholars are looking for similarities of political divisions with social cleavages in Western democracies (Kitschelt et al., 1999). The view overwhelms that cleavages, especially if they are narrowly defined, are of limited relevance in the region (Elster et al., 1998, pp. 247-270). However, one social divide appears to be an exception to the rule: The ethnic divide is salient in Central and Eastern Europe (Evans Need, 2002) and helps many parties to mobilise their voters (Elster et al., 1998, p. 252). Ethnic minorities exist in almost all countries, and they vote in large numbers for their own parties. Furthermore, issues related to ethnicity help as well nationalist parties of the titular nation to mobilise their voters. The investigation of ethnic divides in order to explain party nationalisation degrees may yield promising results, as many of the ethnic minorities in Central and Eastern European countries are territorially settled. If such ethnic divides become manifest in party politics, then the ethnic structure of a country will explain why the electoral strength of political parties varies across regions. If we take into account the cases with Romania and Hungary, the best example could be inter-war Transylvania- the large ethnic Hungarian and German minorities constituted approximately 40% of the population, and all of the minorities were either Catholic or Protestant. If we add to this figure the number of Romanians that belonged to the Greek Catholic Church, then approximately 70% of Transylvanias population belonged to a Western Christian denomination prior to the communist takeover. These figures are important because, as Kitschelt argues, these pre-communist legacies influenced the communist reform process. In the case of Transylvania and Galicia these cultural and religious differences had a marked impact on the regions during the communist period. Nevertheless, Transylvania has traditionally been perceived, even during the communist period, as ethnically, culturally and politically different from the rest of the country. Therefore in order to assimilate Transylvania, nationali sm was an important ideological component of Romanian communism, particularly under Ceausescu. He promoted a form of national populism characterised by pseudo-egalitarianism and the non-recognition of any kind of diversity'(Whitefield 2002). However, the existence of diversity across post-communist states in the content of political competition is not evidence for diversity in cleavage structures. Support for political parties may vary as a result of many factors, discussed below, that are not connected to cleavages. And even if partisanship appears to be rooted in ideological and social differentiation, this may not result from social and ideological divisions in the population but rather from party strategies(Whitefield 2002). According to the empirical investigation, that Whitefield and Evans had done, there is a relationship among social and ideological differences and partisanship that would be expected if political cleavages were present. Naturally, although economic differentiation was common to all countries (if not always to the same degree), not all social identities and differentiated social experiences were equally present in all states; in particular, the religious and ethnic composition of countries in the region varies markedly. As a consequence, we found that the connection of social division to ideological division also varies; religiosity appears to matter much more to social liberalism in Catholic than in Orthodox states; and issues of ethnic rights are more firmly socially rooted where minorities exist and where the sense of social difference between ethnic groups is more strongly felt. This variation in the nature of social and ideological division is important because it appears to rela te to the nature of divisions that emerge in support for political parties(Whitefield 2002). TABLE 1: Political cleavages in post-Communist Eastern Europe (Romania, Bulgaria and Hungary): social and ideological divisions to partisanship Social bases Ideological bases Romania 1. Age, region (Bucharest), education 2. Ethnicity (Hungarians) economic liberalism, pro/anti-West 3. Region (Transylvania) 1. Social political liberalism, economic liberalism, pro/anti West 2. Ethnic liberalism 3. Pro-West, Jews Bulgaria 1. Ethnicity(Turkish) 2. Age, Class( professionals vs. workers) 3. Religiosity 1. Economic liberalism, pro/anti-West 2. Ethnic liberalism 3. Nationalism, Gypsies Hungary 1. Age 2. Religiosity 3. Class (urban-rural), education/class, settlement size, denomination(Protestant) 1. Economic liberalism, pro/anti-West 2. Social political liberalism, Jews 3. Social political liberalism, nationalism 3. Politics between economy and culture- the case of Hungary In order to continue to analyze the formation of cleavages in Eastern European states, I will try to give example with Hungary. Before that, I would like to point out some of the most important theories of Stein Rokkan linked with the work of S. M. Lipset. As a consequence of the early death of S. Rokkan, his work, in spite its richness and extension, can not be regarded as finished. Here are the basic ideas: 1. Territory as a key concept of politics in a cross pressure between culture and economy, implying: the equal weight given to economic, political-territorial and cultural dimensions; the interaction between geographical spaces and socio-cultural membership spaces, between center formation and boundary building; the conceptual map of Europe with an West-East axis differentiating between economic conditions for state-building and a South-North axis between cultural conditions for nation-building. 2. The identification of four cleavages following the critical junctures of: the national revolution creating the center-periphery and the church-state cleavages; the industrial revolution creating the urban-rural and the labour-capital cleavages. 3. The cyclical movement of cleavages: towards a national-international divide. It is often forgotten that Rokkan does not end his cleavage sequence with the worker-owner conflict of the industrial revolution, but points to an intriguing cyclical movement: breakdown of a supranational order (Roman Empire) establishment of culturally and politically distinctive nation states conflict over national versus international loyalties. (Lipset-Rokkan 47-48) Although the last formulation relates to the communist cleavage within the labour movement (not relevant any more), but in his latest works he points to the centrality of a reformulated version of a center-periphery divide: that between homogenizing supranational standardization and cultural distinctiveness, roots, national identity. ( Rokkan- Urwin, Flora 1983: 434). 4. The different political impacts of a gradual, organic sequence of cleavages ( in most of North Western Europe) versus the cumulation of state and nation-building cleavages together with the rapidity of enfranchisement and sudden modernization. The second alternative especially in the case of the discontinuity of or threats to national independence implies difficulties in transition to mass democracy. (Hungary is directly mentioned by Rokkan in this latter context.) Territorial-cultural conflicts do not just find political expression in secessionist and irredentist movements, however, they feed into the overall cleavage structure and help to condition the development not only of each party organization but even more of the entire system of party oppositions and interests (Lipset-Rokkan 41). 5. The historical long term continuity of collective political identities coalitions and oppositions on the level of alternatives, of parties and of the support market to be mobilized. Parties do not simply present themselves de novo to the citizens at each election; they each have a history and so have the constellations of alternatives they present to the electorate. (Lipset-Rokkan). Emerging cleavages affect, however, former alliances and restructure the party system. Rokkan points also to the existence of a certain lee-way for parties to translate social cleavages. 6. The freezing of party alternatives with the final extension of suffrage (mostly in the twenties), implying the inclusion of the lower classes. In contrast to an expanding support market with a creative phase of parties (Cotta 102) accompanied by a mobilization along cultural and territorial cleavages, the mobilization on the basis of purely economic cleavages comes only afterwards (Rokkan 1980: 118). The stage of mass democracy brings about an ever more closed electoral market with a mobilization controlled by the already existing parties. 7. The special role of social democratic parties on the left side of the labour-capital cleavage. Due to their strength and domesticability, their ability to maintain unity in the face of the man forces making for division and fragmentation (Lipset-Rokkan: 46), social democratic parties and the class cleavage in itself played a stabilizing and homogenizing, cohesive influence in most West European party systems. In countries with a troubled history of nation-building, marked cultural cleavages reduced their potentials. But the very logic of pluralism in democratic capitalism helped their entry into national politics. These parties, having joined the nation contributed to the neutralization of the radicalizing effects of sudden industrialization. (Lipset-Rokkan: 46, 48, 50). 8. The radical rightist anti-system cleavage. The rising networks of new elites, such as the leaders of the new large bureaucracies of industry and government, those who control the various sectors of the communication industry, the heads of mass organizations, the leaders of once weak or low-status groups, and the like constitute the focus of protest of fascist-type parties, which: are nationalistic, they venerate the nation and its culture; are anti-democratic; want to unite their supporters as one single pillar lead by deeply felt convictions about the destiny and the mission of the nation. These xenophobic and racist parties may mobilize segments of the middle and lower classes. As to their emergence and chances of success, contrasts in the continuity and regularity of nation-building certainly played a role (Lipset-Rokkan 23, 24, 25). After we pointed out some of the most important ideas from the Lipset and Rokkan concept, now I will try to form several important assumptions: The evolution of the Hungarian party system confirms the classical sequence of European cleavage formation with the initial and decisive emergence of identity-based territorial and cultural divides followed later by the appearance of economic cleavages. Hungarian party competition seems to reflect and even to anticipate new developments of Western party systems. There are real historical alternatives expressing different conceptions of modernization, of nationhood and of geopolitical location represented by the parties. For Rokkan and Lipset, party alternatives and the party system itself freeze. In Hungary and in some other Eastern European countries, intervals, parties and party structure are unstable and fluid. But the alternatives contained in the cleavage structure are amazingly stable: not the party system, but the cleavage structure is frozen. In the formation process of the parties (1988-89), in the subsequent three elections from 1990 to 1998, the same cleavage sets have mattered and structured party competition, namely: the three cleavage families of Westernization vs. traditionalism, post-communism vs. anti-post-communism and pro-market commodification (winners) vs. welfare statist decommodification (losers). This special freezing of alternatives and cleavages has, however, taken place in the context of a very much open and available electoral market . This deviance from the Rokkan-Lipset freezing pattern is the unavoidable consequence of the long discontinuity of the party system, the lack of traditions of mass democracy and the unstable interest structure of civil society. Due to the strong economic, social and political positions of the post-communist elites and surviving value orientations in the electorate, the definition of the rules of the game as a systemic issue (Offe 1991, Mair 1997) is expressed by the salience of a post-communism anti-post-communism cleavage family. It cannot be deducted from the Rokkan-Lipset scheme, and by its very nature, cannot become a long-enduring historical divide, but can be supposed to fade away. The taming of capitalism, the political regulation of the market with a political mobilization along a commodification decommodification axis is a crucial point of democratic consolidation and legitimacy. Following from the freezing of the Hungarian political cleavage structure in the phase of the dominance of the cultural-territorial and post-communist cleavage families, the increasing importance of this socio-economic divide is coupled with its absorption by or inclusion into the other two cleavage families. The post-1989 evolution of the Hungarian party system has brought about no political mobilization along the line of a classical labour-capital class cleavage. Finally, we should now indicate the main cleavages formed in Hungary, according to Mair: 1. The family of territorial and cultural cleavages Traditionalist forces stress historical continuity, Hungarian nationhood, favour community ove society, are for strong authority, strong church. Their value orientations are more particularist than universalist, they have an inclination to love the rural, even if they are urban Westernizers are outward-looking, for catch-up modernization, they favour individualism, multicultural diversity, they stress secularism and human rights. 2. The family of post-communist cleavages This set of cleavages has several dimensions an ideological dimension of anticommunism which can be based either on particularist national, religious identities or on the universalism of individual human rights and rationality; a political dimension expressed in the relationship to the Socialist Party looked upon as the successor party; a power dimension of competing elites and of the re-definition of the rules of the game outside and inside politics; a structural dimension reflecting the symbiotic dualism of the present society with a secto rooted in late communism and a sector of emerging capitalism iv; an emotional and biographical dimension with a population split into two halves: one half who feel they lived better in the last years of real socialism and another half thinking differently. 3. The family of socio-economic cleavages With economic transformation progressing and with an overwhelmingly materialist electorate this set of cleavages has become central in the society, but the early freezing of the party system structured along the above mentioned two cleavage sets is still complicating the clear translation of this divide into programmatic and public policy alternatives. 4. Old Theories vs. New Parties: Romania Post-communist party system Surprisingly, post-communist cleavages in Romania have been the spotlight of relatively little attention. Indeed, as Crowther writes: If skeptics are correct, Romania should stand out as a strong case for the inapplicability of social cleavage analyses. Because of the peculiarities of its pre-communist and communist past, Romania is often taken as an archetypical example of the post-communist countries dearth of civil society. Or, in other words, it is almost impossible to test the theory of Stein Rokkan or S.M. Lipset, without necessary sharing Crowthers point of view on the inapplicability of social cleavage analyses. Most recent works on the concept à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã… ¾post-communist cleavages commence with a few comments on Lipsets and Rokkans cleavage theory applied to the case of Central Europe. One of the most respectful professors from Bulgaria- Georgi Karasimeonov indicates that Lipsets and Rokkans cleavage theory was formulated on the special conditions and terms of a particular European western model. Karasimeonov contributions to the debate can be interpreted in the tradition of the analysis of the electoral behavior and party formation in transnational societies revealing at least four types of cleavages: residual (historical), transitional, actual and potential8. De Waele, seeks to clarify and categorize the relationship between the original theory of cleavages as it is applied to Western model and the post-communist experience undertaking his project with the view of three cleavages: 1. The first set of objective considerations influencing the emergence of the post-communist party system concerns the economic cleavage. De Waelle argues that the socio-economic cleavage (à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã… ¾maximalist vs. à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã… ¾minimalist) comes from the communist regimes successful orientation towards destruction of the capitalist economy. De Waele himself flags up this problem with his own definition: the term à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã… ¾maximalist is used to describe the adherents of a fast transition. In theory, the claim that the à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã… ¾minimalist perspective is likely to have a socioeconomic basis has been highly dependent upon overall record of mixed progress with uneven and slow reform implementation. On the contrary, the à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã… ¾maximalists represented the turning point for the post-communism. à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã… ¾The maximalists launched new reform programs, a macroeconomic plan stabilization and structural reforms, an ambitious shock therapy for the Romanian economy, including the liberalization of prices and the foreign exchange market as well as the accelerati on of the privatization. 2. The second cleavage, the so-called à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã… ¾authoritariandemocratic divide, refers to the inability of a significant part of the society to renounce in discursive terms the communist legacy (although, in Romania this did not necessarily translate into a rejection of all kind of authoritarian attitudes). In many recent studies on authoritarian attitudes in postcommunist Romania, researchers have pointed the electoral success of Vadim Tudor in 2000, à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã… ¾as a distinctly unpleasant surprise for many in the West. The case in point was the increase of supporters of a latent antipluralist attitude towards the European values arena. 3. The third cleavage line is between the communists and the anticommunists. The à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã… ¾old attitude, a so-called à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã… ¾pre-communist behavior was usually reactivated after the emergence of the new parties. Given the discontinuity of the transition, à gh concludes that the confrontation between the two groups led to the formation of a multi-party and the à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã… ¾first generation parties. He also witnessed the fact that the new parties were formed à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã… ¾as second generation parties, and the third category, the so-called small à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã… ¾third generation appeared much later. In a similar way, Gill argues that it is difficult to establish the real significance of the cleavage between the two types. He also indicates there have been at least three referential ways to see post-communism: à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã… ¾post-communism as a system, à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã… ¾post-communism as a condition, à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã… ¾post-communism as a situation. After this analysis of the main three cleavages that the Romanian post-communist system has experienced, it is almost impossible at this point to raise the discussion of a consolidated democracy. With politics in Romania still changing, the outlines of the three families of cleavages advanced in this article constitute a significant obstacle towards consolidation. 5. Conclusion Finally I would like to go back to some of the main points I have presented: The evolution of the Eastern European party system confirms the classical sequence of European cleavage formation with the initial and decisive emergence of identity-based territorial and cultural divides, with their dominance over socio-economic divides followed later by the appearance of economic cleavages. The salient manifestation of the cumulation of cultural and territorial cleavages in the part system corresponds clearly with the cyclical movement in the framework of the Rokkanian scheme demonstrating how globally the centrality of a national-supranational divide. The example with Hungarian party competition seems to reflect and even to anticipate new developments of Western party systems. There are real historical alternatives expressing different conceptions of modernisation, of nationhood and of geopolitical location represented by the parties. These alternatives are olde than the most of the Eastern European electorate, but they deviate from the mainstream in Western Europe. In the formation process of the parties (1988-89), in the subsequent three elections from 1990 to 1998, the same cleavage sets have mattered and structured party competition, namely: the three cleavage families of Westernization vs. traditionalism, post-communism vs. anti-post-communism and marketization, commodification (winners) vs. welfare statism. This special freezing of alternatives and cleavages has, however, taken place in the context of a very much open and available electoral market . This deviance from the Rokkan-Lipset freezing pattern is the unavoidable consequence of the long discontinuity of the party system, the lack of traditions of mass democracy and the unstable interest structure of civil society. The post-1989 evolution of the Hungarian and Romania party system has brought about no political mobilisation along the line of a classical labour-capital class cleavage. Instead, I have observed the following attempts for bringing the welfare statist decommodification cleavage in: coupling it with the post-communist cleavage, coupling it with the defence of national identity, coupling it with the religious cleavage, coupling (its radical variant) with an aggressive and racist social nationalism. After all, I still believe that formation of cleavages in East Europe, according to the thesis of Lipset and Rokkan, is almost impossible to apply to these countries. However, the cases which I in detail discussed (Hungary and Romania), are the best example for the existing of cleavages in Eastern European states. Therefore, indicates that even the model of Lipset-Rokkan was more applicable for Western European countries, especially because of different economical and political development, the existing of cleavages in East Europe was possible even before 1989, and the model is still useful nowadays.